MISCONCEPTIONS ABOUT SHEHU USMAN BIN FODIO'S JIHAD

 

Dr. Abdoul Kader Saidou  is a Maradi-based scholar who studied Arabic and Islamic Studies in Ilorin, Kwara State. He proceeded to Khartoum Afriqiyya for his first degree, and later completed his second and third degrees in Niamey, Republic of Niger. He is currently a lecturer at Aboubacar Ibrahim International University (ABIIU).

The lecture was delivered on 10 September during Al-Qalam University, Katsina 2025 Conference titled “The Sokoto Caliphate and the Challenges of Tribalism and Terrorism.”

Dr. Abdoul Kader began by acknowledging the existence of different versions of history regarding the Sokoto Caliphate formation and the Jihad of Shehu Usman bin Fodio, categorizing them into three groups:

1.       Accounts written by dethroned Hausa rulers and their sympathizers.

2.       Narratives produced by colonial administrators and their spies.

3.      Writings authored by Muslims themselves.

He emphasized that the Sokoto Caliphate encompassed substantial parts of five countries; Niger, Nigeria, Cameroon, Burkina Faso, and Benin, uniting dozens of ethnic groups under the umbrella of Islam. Arabic was adopted as the official language, clarifying the movement’s mission as Islamic rather than ethnocentric. Hausa, however, remained the language of daily interaction and engagement.

The Caliphate achieved not only spiritual awakening but also political harmonization, merging empires and kingdoms under Islam. It became the largest unified empire in West Africa during its time, Dr Abdoul Kader confirmed. Its foundation was Islam, not ethnic preference, contrary to claims by colonial writers and sympathizers of dethroned Hausa kingdoms. The Caliphate was strengthened by education and scholarship, producing literature in Arabic on poetry, medicine, fiqh, and other fields. This was evident in the works of Abdullahi bin Fodio, Nana Asmau, daughter of Shehu Usman bin Fodio and Shehu himself. As a result, the Caliphate became one of the most stable political and economic empires in West Africa.

Dr. Abdoul Kader argued that historians of the Sokoto Jihad can be broadly divided into two categories: objective scholars, who presented events accurately and without distortion, and biased writers, who deliberately misrepresented the Caliphate in order to advance ideological, political, or other underlying agendas. He argued that biased writers relied heavily on four reference materials, revolving around similar thematic arguments:

1.    Heinrich Barth: German explorer working for the British government. Traveled across Sokoto (1851–1855), spoke Arabic, English, and French, and kept detailed diaries later published as “Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa” (five volumes). His accounts documented economic, political, and social life in the Caliphate.

2.       Hugh Clapperton (1788 – 1827; died in Sokoto, Nigeria, after suffering from dysentery during an expedition): A British naval officer and explorer. Visited Sokoto in the mid-1820s and authored “Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa and Journal of a Second Expedition into the Interior of Africa”. His works provided some of the earliest European descriptions of Sokoto’s city and politics.

3.      Melchior Joseph Eugène Daumas (1803–1871):  A French cavalry officer and colonial administrator in Algeria who became one of France's foremost authorities on Arab and Saharan societies, serving as Director of Arab Affairs in the French Ministry of War. His “Le Grand Désert: Itinéraire d'une caravane du Sahara au pays des Nègres – Royaume de Haoussa” (Paris: Michel Lévy, 1860), originally published in 1848 and co-authored with Ausone de Chancel, traces the route of a trans-Saharan caravan to the Hausa kingdoms and the Sokoto Empire, providing valuable insights into nineteenth-century trade networks and regional geography.

4.      Yves Urvoy (1900–1944): A French colonial officer, geographer, and historian whose research focused on present-day Niger and the wider Central Sudan. His major work, “Histoire des populations du Soudan central (Colonie du Niger)” (Paris: Librairie Larose, 1936), sought to compile and critically examine the history of the peoples of Niger by reconstructing migrations, settlement patterns, ethnic and linguistic relationships, political formations, dynastic histories, and interactions among the Hausa, Fulani, Tuareg, Songhai, Kanuri, and other groups.

Dr. Abdoul Kader concluded that these four sources formed the backbone of most anti-Caliphate arguments, shaping biased narratives that continue to influence historical discourse. He further argued that any Hausa, Yoruba, and other African writers who have treated the Sokoto Caliphate as a central subject, while excluding the Islamic intellectual perspective, have been presenting interpretations that many scholars consider historically misleading. One example often cited is “History of Niger” by Boubou Hama, the first President of the National Assembly of Niger. Although he was a Muslim, but his work reflected aspects of the French colonial historiographical tradition. The kind of tradition that promoted by several French colonial scholars, portraying Shehu Usman bin Fodio’s jihad primarily as ethnically or politically motivated movement rather than as religious and intellectual reform movement, thereby supporting broader colonial narratives and justifying French rule across French West Africa.

Dr. Abdoul Kader stated that most of the accusations surrounding Shehu bin Fodio's Jihad revolve around the following seven allegations:

1.       That Shehu Usman bin Fodio was a stranger or settler rather than an indigene.

2.       That Shehu Usman bin Fodio led a revolt against the Gobir Kingdom.

3.      That Shehu Usman bin Fodio declared Muslims to be unbelievers (takfīr).

4.      That Shehu Usman bin Fodio mobilized the Fulani against the Hausa people.

5.      That Shehu Usman bin Fodio committed genocide.

6.      That Shehu Usman bin Fodio enslaved the sons of those he converted.

7.      That Shehu Usman bin Fodio betrayed the stakeholders of the Gobir Kingdom.

 

Settler vs Indigene Argument

Dr. Abdoul Kader continued his discussion by responding to each of the accusations leveled against Shehu Usman bin Fodio. He began with the historical context, arguing that Shehu Usman bin Fodio was not a foreigner to Hausaland. In support of this position, he cited Buba Hamma, who, in his book, (translated from French to English as) “History of Gobir & Sokoto” (1967), observed that the Toronkawa (Tokarawa) clan, to which the Shehu belonged, had settled in Hausaland as early as the thirteenth century, before the Gobirawa established themselves in the region after their migration from the area of Agadez. This historical reality challenges attempts to frame the conflict in terms of settlers versus indigenes.

Is Jihad Ethnocentric?

Another common misleading claim is that the Shehu enjoyed support only among the Fulani. This assertion is difficult to reconcile with the historical record. Given that the Hausa population greatly outnumbered the Fulani at the time, it is reasonable to ask how a supposedly narrow Fulani movement could, within the span of four years (1804–1808), successfully challenge and overthrow several Hausa kingdoms. The scale and speed of the movement's success suggest that it drew support from diverse segments of society, including Hausa communities who identified with its religious and reformist objectives.

De Abdoul Kader asserted that the first battle fought by Shehu Usman bin Fodio's forces was at Tsuntsuwa, and participants on both sides included Fulani, Hausa, Zabarmawa and others. This alone suggests that the conflict cannot be accurately reduced to a purely Fulani cause. The Shehu's teacher, Malam Jibril Umaru of Agadez, was a Hausa man not Fulani, he openly supported the jihad; by expressing his support in writing and sent two of his sons; both Hausas to join the struggle alongside Shehu. Furthermore, the first major victory of the movement was at Kwanni, and the first emir appointed by Shehu Usman bin Fodio was Malam Shuaibu, a Hausa ma. Moreover, when Kebbi came under the authority of the movement, a Hausa was appointed to lead it. In Zazzau, Sarkin Zazzau Musa dan Tunku accepted the Shehu's authority and was allowed to remain in office despite being Hausa. Had the movement been driven by ethnic considerations, such appointments and accommodations would be difficult to explain.

Further evidence can be found in the Shehu's own writings. In “Masa'il al-Muhimmah,” his tenth fatwa addressed the question of whether a Fulani could be sold as a slave. He ruled that a Fulani who was lawfully enslaved and proven to be a non-Muslim could be sold like any other person. This ruling demonstrates that ethnic identity alone did not confer any special status under his legal framework. The same work also states that in regions where Islam had long been established, such as Kano, Borno, Songhai, Katsina, and Zaria, it was unlawful to capture free Muslims and sell them into slavery, regardless of their ethnic background. These positions are clearly documented in his writings and provide important insight into the principles that guided the movement.

According to Murray Last, the British historian and scholar of the Sokoto Caliphate, the claim that the Sokoto Caliphate was exclusively a Fulani project is historically inaccurate. Similarly, Dr. Dini K. Kola, another scholar of the Sokoto Jihad, argues that many Hausa soldiers from the Gobir Kingdom eventually defected to the side of Shehu Usman bin Fodio. Their defection was not primarily based on ethnicity but on conviction. Having listened to Shehu's teachings, many came to accept his message that Islam forbids the use of talismans, charms, and other forms of shirk (associating partners with Allah). Although many Gobir warriors relied on charms and protective concoctions they believed could make them invulnerable to metal weapons, they witnessed Shehu's followers defeating them in battle, with ordinary swords piercing their supposed magical protection. This led many to conclude that Shehu's movement relied on faith in Allah rather than magical practices.

For this reason, Dr Abdoul Kader argued that characterizing the Sokoto Jihad solely as a "Fulani jihad" overlooks its religious and reformist foundations. They contend that such interpretations gained prominence during the colonial period, when British administrators and writers often framed the movement in ethnic rather than religious terms.

Is Jihad Offensive or Defensive?

Many accounts of the Sokoto Jihad overlook some of the key events that preceded the outbreak of hostilities, particularly the question of how the conflict escalated and which actions transformed a reform movement into an armed struggle, Dr Abdoul Kader argued. Historical sources indicate that Shehu Usman bin Fodio spent many years engaged in preaching, teaching, and peaceful religious reform across Gobir and neighboring territories. During this period, he attracted a large following of students, scholars, and supporters.

As tensions between the reform movement and the Gobir authorities increased, a series of confrontations occurred that significantly worsened relations. The persecution of the Shehu's followers, restrictions on their activities, and violent attacks against members of the community, including the killing of a large number of the Shehu's students and followers, including Qur'anic scholars and memorizers, about 200 of them, occurred during the reign of Sarki Yunfa of Gobir. These events are evidence of the severe repression faced by the reform movement before the commencement of armed resistance, Dr Abdoul Kader recounted.

The situation eventually became untenable for Shehu Usman bin Fodio and his followers. Facing increasing hostility and threats to their safety, they undertook a migration (Hijra) from Degel in 1804. However, the migration did not bring an end to the persecution. As Shehu's followers continued to face attacks and military pursuit by Gobir forces even after leaving their homes.

It was against this backdrop of escalating conflict, persecution, displacement, and repeated armed confrontations that the jihad emerged, Dr Abdoul Kader concluded. This further highlighted that the conflict did not begin as an offensive campaign for territorial expansion, but rather developed after years of unsuccessful efforts at peaceful reform and in response to actions taken against the Shehu, his community, and his followers.

 

Shehu Relationship with Gobir Kingdom

It is unfortunate that some narratives selectively omit the history of Hausaland before the jihad of Shehu Usman bin Fodio, Dr Abdoul Kader lamented, a period marked by insecurity, famine, social injustice, and widespread grievances among many segments of society. Equally overlooked is the long and complex relationship between Shehu Usman bin Fodio and the rulers of Gobir. Shehu lived during the reigns of several Gobir kings and maintained varying degrees of interaction with them over many decades. These include:

1. Sarki Babari (1761–1768), who consolidated Gobir's power after ascending the throne.
2. Sarki Bawa Jangwarzo (1777–1795), who maintained cordial relations with Shehu and was reported to have visited him in Degel from his seat of power in Alkalawa.
3. Sarki Yakubu (1795–1801), during whose reign tensions between the reform movement and the state began to intensify.
4. Sarki Nafata (1801), who reversed the tolerant policies of his predecessors and imposed restrictions on the activities of Shehu Usman bin Fodio and his followers.
5. Sarki Yunfa (1801–1808), under whose rule the conflict eventually escalated into open warfare.

The deterioration in relations did not occur overnight. During the reigns of Nafata, a number of policies were introduced that strained the relationship between the Gobir authorities and the Shehu's reform movement. Among the restrictions, Dr Abdoul Kader recounted, were limitations on public preaching, discouragement of conversions to Islam among non-Muslims, and opposition to certain Islamic practices, including the wearing of the hijab by Muslim women and only the Shehu was permitted to wear the turban (rawani) and publicly preach, excluding his students. These measures intended to control the growing influence of the movement.

Despite these challenges, Dr Abdoul Kader narrated that Shehu Usman bin Fodio initially pursued peaceful and scholarly means of engagement. He employed dialogue, teachings and writings as instruments of reform and sought to address these issues through intellectual discourse. Among his works was “Wathiqat Ahl al-Sudan” and other treatises that discussed religious obligations and social reform, including the importance of modest dress and the observance of Islamic teachings in “Jawabi Wujubil Hijabi Alal Ibaad”, among others. Any balanced assessment of the period should therefore take into consideration this long history of scholarship, dialogue, and peaceful activism, as well as the political and social circumstances that eventually led to confrontation.

Did Shehu Wage War against Hausa Kindoms?

It would be interesting to include what Professor Usman Abubakar Ribah of Zarqa University, Jordan, explained during a live Facebook session on Kautal TV in August 2025, when he debunked the claim that Shehu Usman bin Fodio waged offensive wars against Hausa kings. Prof. Ribah began by clarifying Shehu’s relationship with the Gobir rulers. Bawa Jangwarzo, who was a Muslim, had a harmonious and cordial relationship with Shehu. After Bawa’s death, his brother Yakubu succeeded him. Yakubu was also a Muslim and had no issues with Shehu or his da‘awah.

The conflict began after Yakubu’s death, when Nafata, a non-Muslim, ascended the throne. He set out to wage war against Shehu. At the time, Shehu was in Degel, which was under the Gobir Empire. Nafata ordered Shehu to leave his land and made preparations for war, but he died before carrying out his plan. His son, Yunfa, succeeded him. Like his father, Yunfa was a non-Muslim and was determined to continue the fight. He mobilized soldiers from across his kingdom to attack Shehu. Abdussalam Gimba (the Gimba family are the ancestors of the Jegawa and are of Hausa origin) was one of Shehu’s students. Because of his association with Shehu, Yunfa sent troops against him and captured his students. On their way back to Alkalawa, the capital of Gobir, the soldiers had to pass through Degel. As a Muslim, Shehu could not allow captives to be taken unjustly. He intervened and secured the release of the students. This angered Yunfa and further fueled his plan to attack Shehu, Prof. Ribah recounted.

Yunfa later withdrew his order and permitted Shehu to remain, but Shehu’s advisers warned him that it was a trap to eliminate him. To avoid bloodshed, Shehu decided to leave Degel for Gudu. When Yunfa learned of Shehu’s planned migration, he issued another decree: only Shehu could leave, and none of his followers were to join him. Shehu announced that he was leaving alone, but that he would not stop anyone who chose to follow him voluntarily. He departed, and his students followed him, Professor Ribah narrated. Even after Shehu’s migration, Yunfa did not relent. He advanced toward Shehu’s camp with an army composed of Hausa, Fulani, Zabarmawa and others, with the intention of killing Shehu and destroying his community.

Faced with this threat, Shehu’s camp reached a consensus that he should lead a defensive war. This resulted in the first battle between the two sides. Over 70 soldiers from Yunfa’s camp were killed, and Yunfa fled. This marked the beginning of Shehu’s jihad, Prof. Ribah concluded.

 

Was It Shehu’s Intention to Promote His Language Only?

Some colonial writers have accused Shehu Usman bin Fodio of enslaving the Hausa people, promoting Fulani supremacy, and establishing an empire primarily for economic gain. However, such assertions have been challenged by several historians and scholars, Dr Abdoul Kader argued. Professor Maikorema Zakari, a historian from Abdou Moumouni University in Niamey, noted that Shehu Usman bin Fodio was fluent not only in Fulfulde, his native language, but also in Hausa, Arabic, Buzanci, and Zabarmanci. He preached and taught in the language most accessible to his audience, indicating a commitment to conveying the message of Islam across ethnic and linguistic boundaries. Such an approach would have been unnecessary had his movement been exclusively ethnocentric. As reflected in his writings, including “Nasihat Ahl al-Zaman” the Shehu's concerns centered on religious reform, moral renewal, and social justice rather than ethnic advancement, Dr Abdoul Kader summed up.

 

Presenting History without Agenda

It is important to acknowledge the scholars and historians who have attempted to present the history of the Sokoto Caliphate accurately and objectively, regardless of their religious or cultural backgrounds. Among them is Professor Murray Last of the United Kingdom, whose seminal work, “The Sokoto Caliphate”, remains one of the most influential studies on the subject. Another notable author is Major H.R. Palmer, whose writings on the Sokoto Jihad and the history of Northern Nigeria contributed significantly to the documentation of the period. Professor J.F. Ade Ajayi and other African historians, Dr Abdoul Kader added, have also provided valuable insights into the political and social transformations associated with the rise of the Sokoto Caliphate. More recently, Professor Ibrahim Sulaiman's “The African Caliphate” offers a detailed examination of the teachings, reforms, and legacy of Shehu Usman bin Fodio and the Caliphate he established. Among Nigerian scholars, Sheikh Adam Abdullah IIori’s “Al-Islam fi Nigeria” remains an important reference on the history of Islam in Nigeria. Similarly, the works of Sheikh Aminuddeen Kano, “Al-Mujaahidil Kaabir”, and other contemporary scholars have enriched the understanding of the religious and intellectual foundations of the Sokoto movement.

The French historian Professor André Salifou, in his biography of Shehu Usman bin Fodio (loosely translated as “Usman bin Fodio: Servant of Allah”), outlined several factors that contributed to the jihad, including political oppression, administrative corruption, un-Islamic practices, social injustice, and excessive taxation. According to these accounts, Shehu Usman bin Fodio initially sought reform through peaceful preaching, teaching, and scholarship over several decades. It was only after sustained persecution, restrictions on his community, and resistance from the ruling authorities that the conflict eventually escalated into armed struggle. It’s interesting to note that Professor Andre Salifou is a French raised in Niger born by French father and Hausa mother.

 

The Shehu’s Jihad vs Contemporary Banditry

Dr. Dini K. Kola, distinguishes the Sokoto Jihad from the contemporary banditry crisis, which is largely associated with armed criminal groups operating in parts of northern Nigeria. He identifies several key factors thus:

1. The jihad did not begin until after years of persecution. Shehu and his followers were harassed, expelled, and eventually forced to defend themselves against the oppression of the Gobir Kingdom.
2. Before taking up arms, Shehu spent more than twenty years teaching, preaching, and calling for religious reform. Armed struggle came only after peaceful efforts had been exhausted.
3. The objective of the jihad was the establishment of Islamic governance based on the Qur'an and the Sunnah. In Shehu’s work “Jawaab Wujuub al-Hijrah ala al-Ibaad” (The Explanation of the Obligation of Migration upon the Servants of Allah), Shehu devoted 63 chapters to various aspects of Islamic teaching, including five chapters specifically outlining the rules and ethics governing warfare.
4. The military phase of the jihad lasted only about four years. During that period, it brought several kingdoms under its authority and sought to reform Islamic practice in the territories it controlled.

For these reasons, equating the contemporary banditry crisis with the jihad of Shehu Usman bin Fodio is historically and conceptually misleading. The two differ significantly in their origins, objectives, methods, and guiding principles.

 

Points of Contention between Shehu and Scholars of His Time

Dr. Abdoul Kader explained that the major points of contention between Shehu Usman bin Fodio and many of the scholars of his time were eight key issues, as documented in Shehu's book, “Ifhaam al-Munkirin.” These include:

1. Scholars who abandoned public preaching and instead confined themselves to the courts of kings, prioritizing royal patronage over religious guidance.
2. Scholars who opposed public preaching, believing that ordinary people should remain without adequate Islamic knowledge.
3. The obligation of women's hijab and adherence to Islamic standards of modesty.
4. Corruptions in matters of purification, including issues relating to ghusl al-janaabah (ritual bath after major impurity) and other rulings concerning ritual cleanliness.
5. Returning to the original sources of Islam; the Qur'an, the Sunnah, and the foundational principles Usul; as the primary criteria for determining right and wrong.
6. The widespread innovations (bid'ah) that had permeated everyday life and, in Shehu's view, compromised the purity of Islamic practice.
7. Un-Islamic cultural practices associated with weddings, funerals, naming ceremonies, and other social occasions.
8. The practice of indiscriminate takfir (declaring fellow Muslims to be unbelievers). Dr. Abdoul Kader noted that Shehu even authored a book on this subject as a rejoinder to the views of his former teacher, Jibril Umar.

In his concluding remarks, Dr. Abdoul Kader appealed for unity, emphasizing that ethnocentrism only weakens and destroys societies. He stressed that the Hausa people of both Nigeria and the Republic of Niger share historical, religious, and cultural bonds that transcend political boundaries and cannot be erased by either British or French colonial legacies or contemporary propaganda.

He cautioned against succumbing to divisive narratives propagated on social media, warning that such rhetoric could drag society back to an era of ignorance, conflict, and bloodshed driven by ethnic prejudice. He concluded by praying that Allah grants guidance, strengthens the bonds of brotherhood, and unites the Muslims of both Niger and Nigeria.